Rebellion - Wikipedia

Rebellion, uprising, or insurrection is a refusal of obedience or order. · A rebellion originates from a sentiment of indignation and disapproval of a situation ... Rebellion FromWikipedia,thefreeencyclopedia Jumptonavigation Jumptosearch Refusalofobedienceororder Thisarticleisaboutcivildisorder.Forotheruses,seeRebellion(disambiguation). "Revolt","Insurrection",and"Uprising"redirecthere.Forotheruses,seeRevolt(disambiguation),Insurrection(disambiguation),andUprising(disambiguation). PartofaseriesonRevolution Types Bourgeois Colour Communist Democratic Nonviolent Permanent Political Proletarian Social Wave Methods Boycott Civildisobedience Civilwar Classconflict Coupd'état Demonstration Guerrillawarfare Insurgency Nonviolentresistance Protest Rebellion Revolutionaryterror Samizdat Strikeaction Taxresistance Terrorism Causes Authoritarianism Autocracy Capitalism Collaborationism Colonialism Cronyism Despotism Dictatorship Discrimination Economicdepression Economicinequality Electoralfraud Famine Fascism Feudalism Imperialism Militaryoccupation Monarchy Millenarianism Naturaldisaster Nepotism Persecution Politicalcorruption Politicalrepression Poverty Tyranny Totalitarianism Unemployment Examples Neolithic Commercial Industrial English Atlantic American Brabant Liège French Haitian Serbian Greek Of1820 Of1830 Belgian Texas Of1848 Hungarian(1848) Philippine 1stIranian YoungTurk Mexican Chinese Of1917–1923 Russian German Spanish Guatemalan ChineseCommunist Hungarian(1956) Cuban Rwandan Cultural Nicaraguan 2ndIranian Saur PeoplePower AugustRevolution Carnation Of1989 Yogurt Velvet Romanian Singing Bolivarian Bulldozer Rose Orange Tulip Kyrgyz ArabSpring Tunisian Egyptian Yemeni Euromaidan 2018–2020Arabprotests Sudanese  Politicsportalvte Rebellion,uprising,orinsurrectionisarefusalofobedienceororder.[1]Itreferstotheopenresistanceagainsttheordersofanestablishedauthority.[citationneeded] Arebellionoriginatesfromasentimentofindignationanddisapprovalofasituationandthenmanifestsitselfbytherefusaltosubmitortoobeytheauthorityresponsibleforthissituation.[citationneeded] Rebellioncanbeindividualorcollective,peaceful(civildisobedience,civilresistance,andnonviolentresistance)orviolent(terrorism,sabotageandguerrillawarfare).[citationneeded] Inpoliticalterms,rebellionandrevoltareoftendistinguishedbytheirdifferentaims.Whilerebelliongenerallyseekstoevadeand/orgainconcessionsfromanoppressivepower,arevoltseekstooverthrowanddestroythatpower,aswellasitsaccompanyinglaws.Thegoalofrebellionisresistancewhilearevoltseeksarevolution.[citationneeded]Aspowershiftsrelativetotheexternaladversary,orpowershiftswithinamixedcoalition,orpositionshardenorsoftenoneitherside,aninsurrectionmayseesawbetweenthetwoforms.[citationneeded] Contents 1Classification 2Causes 2.1Macroapproach 2.1.1Marxistview 2.1.2TedGurr:Rootsofpoliticalviolence 2.1.3CharlesTilly:Centralityofcollectiveaction 2.1.4ChalmersJohnsonandsocietalvalues 2.1.5ThedaSkocpolandtheautonomyofthestate 2.2Microfoundationalevidenceoncauses 2.2.1TheRationalPeasant 2.2.1.1Opportunitycostofrebellion 2.2.1.2Selectiveincentivesbasedongroupmembership 2.2.1.3Greedvsgrievancemodel 2.2.2TheMoralEconomyofthePeasant 2.2.2.1Earlyconceptualization:E.P.ThompsonandbreadriotsinEngland 2.2.2.2JamesC.Scottandtheformalizationofthemoraleconomyargument 2.2.2.3Othernon-materialincentives 3Recruitment 4Seealso 5Footnotes 6References 7Sources 8Externallinks Classification[edit] Seealso:Listofrevolutionsandrebellions ThestormingoftheBastille,14July1789,duringtheFrenchRevolution. GreekWarofIndependence,(1821–30),rebellionofGreekswithintheOttomanEmpire,astrugglewhichresultedintheestablishmentofanindependentGreece. Anarmedbutlimitedrebellionisaninsurrection,[2]andiftheestablishedgovernmentdoesnotrecognizetherebelsasbelligerentsthentheyareinsurgentsandtherevoltisaninsurgency.[3]Inalargerconflicttherebelsmayberecognizedasbelligerentswithouttheirgovernmentbeingrecognizedbytheestablishedgovernment,inwhichcasetheconflictbecomesacivilwar.[a] Civilresistancemovementshaveoftenaimedat,andbroughtabout,thefallofagovernmentorheadofstate,andinthesecasescouldbeconsideredaformofrebellion.Inmanyofthesecases,theoppositionmovementsawitselfnotonlyasnonviolent,butalsoasupholdingtheircountry'sconstitutionalsystemagainstagovernmentthatwasunlawful,forexample,ifithadrefusedtoacknowledgeitsdefeatinanelection.Thusthetermrebeldoesnotalwayscapturetheelementinsomeofthesemovementsofactingtodefendtheruleoflawandconstitutionalism.[5] Thereareanumberoftermsthatareassociatedwithrebelandrebellion.Theyrangefromthosewithpositiveconnotationstothosewithpejorativeconnotations.Examplesinclude: Boycott,similartocivildisobedience,butitsimplymeansaseparation,primarilyfinancial,fromthesystemthatisbeingrebelledagainst.Thisentailsrefusingtoparticipateinthemonetarysystem,limitingconsumption,orignoringnotionsofpropertyrights(AKAsquatting,simpleliving). Civilresistance,civildisobedience,andnonviolentresistancewhichdonotincludeviolenceorparamilitaryforce.[citationneeded] Coup,anillegaloverthrowofagovernment,usuallycarriedoutbythemilitaryorotherpoliticians. Mutiny,whichiscarriedoutbymilitaryorsecurityforcesagainsttheircommanders[citationneeded] Armedresistancemovement,whichiscarriedoutby“freedomfighters”,oftenagainstanoccupyingforeignpower[citationneeded] Revolt,atermthatissometimesusedformorelocalizedrebellionsratherthanageneraluprising[citationneeded] Revolution,whichismostlycarriedoutbyradicalsandfrustratedcitizens,usuallymeanttooverthrowthecurrentgovernment[citationneeded] Riot,aformofcivildisorderinvolvingviolentpublicdisturbance Subversion,whicharecovertattemptsatsabotagingagovernment,carriedoutbyspiesorothersubversives[citationneeded] Terrorism,whichistheuseofintentionalviolencebynon-stateactors,typicallyagainstcivilians,toaffectpolitical,social,cultural,religiousand/oreconomicchange.[6] Causes[edit] Macroapproach[edit] ThefollowingtheoriesbroadlybuildontheMarxistinterpretationofrebellion.Rebellionisstudied,inThedaSkocpol'swords,byanalyzing"objectiverelationshipsandconflictsamongvariouslysituatedgroupsandnations,ratherthantheinterests,outlooks,orideologiesofparticularactorsinrevolutions".[7] Marxistview[edit] KarlMarx'sanalysisofrevolutionsseessuchexpressionofpoliticalviolencenotasanomic,episodicoutburstsofdiscontentsbutratherthesymptomaticexpressionofaparticularsetofobjectivebutfundamentallycontradictingclass-basedrelationsofpower.ThecentraltenetofMarxistphilosophy,asexpressedinDasKapital,istheanalysisofsociety'smodeofproduction(societalorganizationoftechnologyandlabor)andtherelationshipsbetweenpeopleandtheirmaterialconditions.Marxwritesabout"thehiddenstructureofsociety"thatmustbeelucidatedthroughanexaminationof"thedirectrelationshipoftheownersoftheconditionsofproductiontothedirectproducers".Theconflictthatarisesfromproducersbeingdispossessedofthemeansofproduction,andthereforesubjecttothepossessorswhomayappropriatetheirproducts,isattheoriginoftherevolution.[8]Theinnerimbalancewithinthesemodesofproductionisderivedfromtheconflictingmodesoforganization,suchascapitalismemergingwithinfeudalism,ormorecontemporarilysocialismarisingwithincapitalism.Thedynamicsengineeredbytheseclassfrictionshelpclassconsciousnessrootitselfinthecollectiveimaginary.Forexample,thedevelopmentofthebourgeoisieclasswentfromanoppressedmerchantclasstourbanindependence,eventuallygainingenoughpowertorepresentthestateasawhole.Socialmovements,thus,aredeterminedbyanexogenoussetofcircumstances.Theproletariatmustalso,accordingtoMarx,gothroughthesameprocessofself-determinationwhichcanonlybeachievedbyfrictionagainstthebourgeoisie.InMarx'stheory,revolutionsarethe"locomotivesofhistory"becauserevolutionultimatelyleadstotheoverthrowofaparasiticrulingclassanditsantiquatedmodeofproduction.Later,rebellionattemptstoreplaceitwithanewsystemofpoliticaleconomy,onethatisbettersuitedtothenewrulingclass,thusenablingsocietalprogress.Thecycleofrevolution,thus,replacesonemodeofproductionwithanotherthroughtheconstantclassfriction.[9] TedGurr:Rootsofpoliticalviolence[edit] InhisbookWhyMenRebel,TedGurrlooksattherootsofpoliticalviolenceitselfappliedtoarebellionframework.Hedefinespoliticalviolenceas:"allcollectiveattackswithinapoliticalcommunityagainstthepoliticalregime,itsactors[...]oritspolicies.Theconceptrepresentsasetofevents,acommonpropertyofwhichistheactualorthreateneduseofviolence".[10]Gurrseesinviolenceavoiceofangerthatmanifestsitselfagainsttheestablishedorder.Moreprecisely,individualsbecomeangrywhentheyfeelwhatGurrlabelsasrelativedeprivation,meaningthefeelingofgettinglessthanoneisentitledto.Helabelsitformallyasthe"perceiveddiscrepancybetweenvalueexpectationsandvaluecapabilities".[11]Gurrdifferentiatesbetweenthreetypesofrelativedeprivation: Decrementaldeprivation:one'scapacitiesdecreasewhenexpectationsremainhigh.Oneexampleofthisistheproliferationandthusdepreciationofthevalueofhighereducation.[12] AspirationalDeprivation:one'scapacitiesstaythesamewhenexpectationsrise.Anexamplewouldbeafirst-generationcollegestudentlackingthecontactsandnetworktoobtainahigherpayingjobwhilewatchingherbetter-preparedcolleaguesbypassher.[13] Progressivedeprivation:expectationandcapabilitiesincreasebuttheformercannotkeepup.Agoodexamplewouldbeanautomotiveworkerbeingincreasinglymarginalizedbytheautomatizationoftheassemblyline.[14] Angeristhuscomparative.Oneofhiskeyinsightsisthat"Thepotentialforcollectiveviolencevariesstronglywiththeintensityandscopeofrelativedeprivationamongmembersofacollectivity".[15]Thismeansthatdifferentindividualswithinsocietywillhavedifferentpropensitiestorebelbasedontheparticularinternalizationoftheirsituation.Assuch,Gurrdifferentiatesbetweenthreetypesofpoliticalviolence:[16] Turmoilwhenonlythemasspopulationencountersrelativedeprivation; Conspiracywhenthepopulationbutespeciallytheeliteencountersrelativedeprivation; InternalWar,whichincludesrevolution.Inthiscase,thedegreeoforganizationismuchhigherthanturmoil,andtherevolutionisintrinsicallyspreadtoallsectionsofsociety,unliketheconspiracy. CharlesTilly:Centralityofcollectiveaction[edit] InFromMobilizationtoRevolution,CharlesTillyarguesthatpoliticalviolenceisanormalandendogenousreactiontocompetitionforpowerbetweendifferentgroupswithinsociety."Collectiveviolence",Tillywrites,"istheproductofjustnormalprocessesofcompetitionamonggroupsinordertoobtainthepowerandimplicitlytofulfilltheirdesires”.[17]Heproposestwomodelstoanalyzepoliticalviolence: Thepolitymodeltakesintoaccountgovernmentandgroupsjockeyingforcontroloverpower.Thus,boththeorganizationsholdingpowerandtheoneschallengingthemareincluded.[18]Tillylabelsthosetwogroups"members"and"challengers". Themobilizationmodelaimstodescribethebehaviorofonesinglepartytothepoliticalstruggleforpower.Tillyfurtherdividesthemodelintotwosub-categories,onethatdealswiththeinternaldynamicsofthegroup,andtheotherthatisconcernedwiththe"externalrelations"oftheentitywithotherorganizationsand/orthegovernment.AccordingtoTilly,thecohesivenessofagroupmainlyreliesonthestrengthofcommoninterestsandthedegreeoforganization.Thus,toanswerGurr,angeralonedoesnotautomaticallycreatepoliticalviolence.Politicalactioniscontingentonthecapacitytoorganizeandunite.Itisfarfromirrationalandspontaneous. Revolutionsareincludedinthistheory,althoughtheyremainforTillyparticularlyextremesincethechallenger(s)aimfornothinglessthanfullcontroloverpower.[19]The"revolutionarymomentoccurswhenthepopulationneedstochoosetoobeyeitherthegovernmentoranalternativebodywhoisengagedwiththegovernmentinazero-sumgame.ThisiswhatTillycalls"multiplesovereignty".[20]Thesuccessofarevolutionarymovementhingeson"theformationofcoalitionsbetweenmembersofthepolityandthecontendersadvancingexclusivealternativeclaimstocontroloverGovernment.".[20] ChalmersJohnsonandsocietalvalues[edit] ForChalmersJohnson,rebellionsarenotsomuchtheproductofpoliticalviolenceorcollectiveactionbutin"theanalysisofviable,functioningsocieties".[21]Inaquasi-biologicalmanner,Johnsonseesrevolutionsassymptomsofpathologieswithinthesocietalfabric.Ahealthysociety,meaninga"value-coordinatedsocialsystem"[22]doesnotexperiencepoliticalviolence.Johnson'sequilibriumisattheintersectionbetweentheneedforsocietytoadapttochangesbutatthesametimefirmlygroundedinselectivefundamentalvalues.Thelegitimacyofpoliticalorder,heposits,reliesexclusivelyonitscompliancewiththesesocietalvaluesandinitscapacitytointegrateandadapttoanychange.Rigidityis,inotherwords,inadmissible.Johnsonwrites"tomakearevolutionistoacceptviolenceforthepurposeofcausingthesystemtochange;moreexactly,itisthepurposiveimplementationofastrategyofviolenceinordertoeffectachangeinsocialstructure".[23]Theaimofarevolutionistore-alignapoliticalorderonnewsocietalvaluesintroducedbyanexternalitythatthesystemitselfhasnotbeenabletoprocess.Rebellionsautomaticallymustfaceacertainamountofcoercionbecausebybecoming"de-synchronized",thenowillegitimatepoliticalorderwillhavetousecoerciontomaintainitsposition.AsimplifiedexamplewouldbetheFrenchRevolutionwhentheParisianBourgeoisiedidnotrecognizethecorevaluesandoutlookoftheKingassynchronizedwithitsownorientations.MorethantheKingitself,whatreallysparkedtheviolencewastheuncompromisingintransigenceoftherulingclass.Johnsonemphasizes"thenecessityofinvestigatingasystem'svaluestructureanditsproblemsinordertoconceptualizetherevolutionarysituationinanymeaningfulway".[24] ThedaSkocpolandtheautonomyofthestate[edit] Skocpolintroducestheconceptofthesocialrevolution,tobecontrastedwithapoliticalrevolution.Whilethelatteraimstochangethepolity,theformeris"rapid,basictransformationsofasociety'sstateandclassstructures;andtheyareaccompaniedandinpartcarriedthroughbyclass-basedrevoltsfrombelow".[25]Socialrevolutionsareagrassrootsmovementbynaturebecausetheydomorethanchangethemodalitiesofpower,theyaimtotransformthefundamentalsocialstructureofsociety.Asacorollary,thismeansthatsome"revolutions"maycosmeticallychangetheorganizationofthemonopolyoverpowerwithoutengineeringanytruechangeinthesocialfabricofsociety.HeranalysisislimitedtostudyingtheFrench,Russian,andChineserevolutions.Skocpolidentifiesthreestagesoftherevolutioninthesecases(whichshebelievescanbeextrapolatedandgeneralized),eachaccordinglyaccompaniedbyspecificstructuralfactorswhichinturninfluencethesocialresultsofthepoliticalaction. TheCollapseoftheOld-RegimeState:thisisanautomaticconsequenceofcertainstructuralconditions.Shehighlightstheimportanceofinternationalmilitaryandeconomiccompetitionaswellasthepressureofthemisfunctioningofdomesticaffairs.Moreprecisely,sheseesthebreakdownofthegoverningstructuresofsocietyinfluencedbytwotheoreticalactors,the"landedupperclass"andthe"imperialstate".[26]Bothcouldbeconsideredas"partnersinexploitation"butinrealitycompetedforresources:thestate(monarchs)seektobuildupmilitaryandeconomicpowertoascertaintheirgeopoliticalinfluence.Theupperclassworksinalogicofprofitmaximization,meaningpreventingasmuchaspossiblethestatetoextractresources.Allthreerevolutionsoccurred,Skocpolargues,becausestatesfailedtobeableto"mobilizeextraordinaryresourcesfromthesocietyandimplementintheprocessreformsrequiringstructuraltransformations".[27]Theapparentlycontradictingpoliciesweremandatedbyauniquesetofgeopoliticalcompetitionandmodernization."RevolutionarypoliticalcrisesoccurredbecauseoftheunsuccessfulattemptsoftheBourbon,Romanov,andManchuregimestocopewithforeignpressures."[27]Skocpolfurtherconcludes"theupshotwasthedisintegrationofcentralizedadministrativeandmilitarymachinerythathadtheretoforeprovidedthesolelyunifiedbulwarkofsocialandpoliticalorder".[28] PeasantUprisings:morethansimplyachallengebythelandedupperclassinadifficultcontext,thestateneedstobechallengedbymasspeasantuprisingsinordertofall.Theseuprisingsmustbeaimednotatthepoliticalstructurespersebutattheupperclassitselfsothatthepoliticalrevolutionbecomesasocialoneaswell.SkocpolquotesBarringtonMoorewhofamouslywrote:"peasants[...]providedthedynamitetobringdowntheoldbuilding".[29]Peasantuprisingsaremoreeffectivedependingontwogivenstructuralsocioeconomicconditions:thelevelofautonomy(frombothaneconomicandpoliticalpointofview)peasantcommunitiesenjoy,andthedegreeofdirectcontroltheupperclassonlocalpolitics.Inotherwords,peasantsmustbeabletohavesomedegreeofagencyinordertobeabletorebel.Ifthecoercivestructuresofthestateand/orthelandownerskeepaveryclosecheckonpeasantactivity,thenthereisnospacetofomentdissent. SocietalTransformation:thisisthethirdanddecisivestepafterthestateorganizationhasbeenseriouslyweakenedandpeasantrevoltsbecomewidespreadagainstlandlords.TheparadoxofthethreerevolutionsSkocpolstudiesisthatstrongercentralizedandbureaucraticstatesemergeaftertherevolts.[30]Theexactparametersdepend,again,onstructuralfactorsasopposedtovoluntaristfactors:inRussia,thenewstatefoundmostsupportintheindustrialbase,rootingitselfincities.InChina,mostofthesupportfortherevolthadbeeninthecountryside,thusthenewpolitywasgroundedinruralareas.InFrance,thepeasantrywasnotorganizedenough,andtheurbancentersnotpotentenoughsothatthenewstatewasnotfirmlygroundedinanything,partiallyexplainingitsartificiality. Hereisasummaryofthecausesandconsequencesofsocialrevolutionsinthesethreecountries,accordingtoSkocpol:[31] Conditionsforpoliticalcrises(A) Powerstructure Stateofagrarianeconomy Internationalpressures France Landed-commercialupperclasshasmoderateinfluenceontheabsolutistmonarchyviabureaucracy Moderategrowth Moderate,pressurefromEngland Russia Landednobilityhasnoinfluenceinabsolutiststate Extensivegrowth,geographicallyunbalanced Extreme,stringofdefeatsculminatingwithWorldWarI China Landed-commercialupperclasshasmoderateinfluenceonabsolutiststateviabureaucracy Slowgrowth Strong,imperialistintrusions Conditionsforpeasantinsurrections(B) Organizationofagrariancommunities Autonomyofagrariancommunities France Peasantsown30–40%ofthelandownandmustpaytributetothefeudallandlord Relativelyautonomous,distantcontrolfromroyalofficials Russia Peasantsown60%oftheland,payrenttolandownersthatarepartofthecommunity Sovereign,supervisedbythebureaucracy China Peasantsown50%ofthelandandpayrenttothelandowners,workexclusivelyonsmallplots,norealpeasantcommunity LandlordsdominatelocalpoliticsunderthesupervisionofImperialofficials Societaltransformations(A+B) France Breakdownofabsolutiststate,importantpeasantrevoltsagainstfeudalsystem Russia Failureoftop-downbureaucraticreforms,eventualdissolutionofthestateandwidespreadpeasantrevoltsagainstallprivatelyownedland China Breakdownofabsolutiststate,disorganizedpeasantupheavalsbutnoautonomousrevoltsagainstlandowners Microfoundationalevidenceoncauses[edit] ThefollowingtheoriesareallbasedonMancurOlson'sworkinTheLogicofCollectiveAction,a1965bookthatconceptualizestheinherentproblemwithanactivitythathasconcentratedcostsanddiffusebenefits.Inthiscase,thebenefitsofrebellionareseenasapublicgood,meaningonethatisnon-excludableandnon-rivalrous.[32]Indeed,thepoliticalbenefitsaregenerallysharedbyallinsocietyifarebellionissuccessful,notjusttheindividualsthathavepartakenintherebellionitself.Olsonthuschallengestheassumptionthatsimpleinterestsincommonareallthatisnecessaryforcollectiveaction.Infact,hearguesthe"freerider"possibility,atermthatmeanstoreapthebenefitswithoutpayingtheprice,willdeterrationalindividualsfromcollectiveaction.Thatis,unlessthereisaclearbenefit,arebellionwillnothappenenmasse.Thus,Olsonshowsthat"selectiveincentives",onlymadeaccessibletoindividualsparticipatinginthecollectiveeffort,cansolvethefreeriderproblem.[33] TheRationalPeasant[edit] Mainarticle:TheRationalPeasant:ThePoliticalEconomyofRuralSocietyinVietnam SamuelL.PopkinbuildsonOlson'sargumentinTheRationalPeasant:ThePoliticalEconomyofRuralSocietyinVietnam.Histheoryisbasedonthefigureofahyperrationalpeasantthatbaseshisdecisiontojoin(ornot)arebellionuniquelyonacost-benefitanalysis.Thisformalistviewofthecollectiveactionproblemstressestheimportanceofindividualeconomicrationalityandself-interest:apeasant,accordingtoPopkin,willdisregardtheideologicaldimensionofasocialmovementandfocusinsteadonwhetherornotitwillbringanypracticalbenefittohim.AccordingtoPopkin,peasantsocietyisbasedonaprecariousstructureofeconomicinstability.Socialnorms,hewrites,are"malleable,renegotiated,andshiftinginaccordwithconsiderationsofpowerandstrategicinteractionamongindividuals"[34]Indeed,theconstantinsecurityandinherentrisktothepeasantcondition,duetothepeculiarnatureofthepatron-clientrelationshipthatbindsthepeasanttohislandowner,forcesthepeasanttolookinwardswhenhehasachoicetomake.Popkinarguesthatpeasantsrelyontheir"private,familyinvestmentfortheirlongrunsecurityandthattheywillbeinterestedinshorttermgainvis-à-visthevillage.Theywillattempttoimprovetheirlong-runsecuritybymovingtoapositionwithhigherincomeandlessvariance".[35]Popkinstressesthis"investorlogic"thatonemaynotexpectinagrariansocieties,usuallyseenaspre-capitalistcommunitieswheretraditionalsocialandpowerstructurespreventtheaccumulationofcapital.Yet,theselfishdeterminantsofcollectiveactionare,accordingtoPopkin,adirectproductoftheinherentinstabilityofpeasantlife.Thegoalofalaborer,forexample,willbetomovetoatenantposition,thensmallholder,thenlandlord;wherethereislessvarianceandmoreincome.Voluntarismisthusnon-existentinsuchcommunities. Popkinsinglesoutfourvariablesthatimpactindividualparticipation: Contributiontotheexpenditureofresources:collectiveactionhasacostintermsofcontribution,andespeciallyifitfails(animportantconsiderationwithregardstorebellion) Rewards :thedirect(moreincome)andindirect(lessoppressivecentralstate)rewardsforcollectiveaction Marginalimpactofthepeasant'scontributiontothesuccessofcollectiveaction Leadership"viabilityandtrust" :towhatextenttheresourcespooledwillbeeffectivelyused. Withoutanymoralcommitmenttothecommunity,thissituationwillengineerfreeriders.Popkinarguesthatselectiveincentivesarenecessarytoovercomethisproblem.[36] Opportunitycostofrebellion[edit] PoliticalScientistChristopherBlattmanandWorldBankeconomistLauraAlstonidentifyrebelliousactivityasan"occupationalchoice".[37]Theydrawaparallelbetweencriminalactivityandrebellion,arguingthattherisksandpotentialpayoffsanindividualmustcalculatewhenmakingthedecisiontojoinsuchamovementremainssimilarbetweenthetwoactivities.Inbothcases,onlyaselectedfewreapimportantbenefits,whilemostofthemembersofthegroupdonotreceivesimilarpayoffs.[38]Thechoicetorebelisinherentlylinkedwithitsopportunitycost,namelywhatanindividualisreadytogiveupinordertorebel.Thus,theavailableoptionsbesiderebelliousorcriminalactivitymatterjustasmuchastherebellionitselfwhentheindividualmakesthedecision.BlattmanandAlston,however,recognizethat"apoorperson'sbeststrategy"mightbebothrebellionillicitandlegitimateactivitiesatthesametime.[38]Individuals,theyargue,canoftenhaveavaried"portofolio"ofactivities,suggestingthattheyalloperateonarational,profitmaximizinglogic.Theauthorsconcludethatthebestwaytofightrebellionistoincreaseitsopportunitycost,bothbymoreenforcementbutalsobyminimizingthepotentialmaterialgainsofarebellion.[38] Selectiveincentivesbasedongroupmembership[edit] Thedecisiontojoinarebellioncanbebasedontheprestigeandsocialstatusassociatedwithmembershipintherebelliousgroup.Morethanmaterialincentivesfortheindividual,rebellionsoffertheirmembersclubgoods,publicgoodsthatarereservedonlyforthemembersinsidethatgroup.EconomistEliBermanandPoliticalScientistDavidD.Laitin'sstudyofradicalreligiousgroupsshowthattheappealofclubgoodscanhelpexplainindividualmembership.BermanandLaitindiscusssuicideoperations,meaningactsthathavethehighestcostforanindividual.Theyfindthatinsuchaframework,therealdangertoanorganizationisnotvolunteeringbutpreventingdefection.Furthermore,thedecisiontoenrollinsuchhighstakesorganizationcanberationalized.[39]BermanandLaitinshowthatreligiousorganizationssupplantthestatewhenitfailstoprovideanacceptablequalityofpublicgoodssuchapublicsafety,basicinfrastructure,accesstoutilities,orschooling.[40]Suicideoperations"canbeexplainedasacostlysignalof“commitment”tothecommunity".[41]Theyfurthernote"Groupslessadeptatextractingsignalsofcommitment(sacrifices)maynotbeabletoconsistentlyenforceincentivecompatibility."[42]Thus,rebelliousgroupscanorganizethemselvestoaskofmembersproofofcommitmenttothecause.Clubgoodsservenotsomuchtocoaxindividualsintojoiningbuttopreventdefection. Greedvsgrievancemodel[edit] Mainarticle:Greedversusgrievance WorldBankeconomistsPaulCollierandAnkeHoefflercomparetwodimensionsofincentives: Greedrebellion:"motivatedbypredationoftherentsfromprimarycommodityexports,subjecttoaneconomiccalculusofcostsandamilitarysurvivalconstraint".[43] Grievancerebellion:"motivatedbyhatredswhichmightbeintrinsictoethnicandreligiousdifferences,orreflectedobjectiveresentmentssuchasdominationbyanethnicmajority,politicalrepression,oreconomicinequality".[43]Thetwomainsourcesofgrievancearepoliticalexclusionandinequality. VollierandHoefflerfindthatthemodelbasedongrievancevariablessystematicallyfailstopredictpastconflicts,whilethemodelbasedongreedperformswell.Theauthorspositthatthehighcostofrisktosocietyisnottakenintoaccountseriouslybythegrievancemodel:individualsarefundamentallyrisk-averse.However,theyallowthatconflictscreategrievances,whichinturncanbecomeriskfactors.Contrarytoestablishedbeliefs,theyalsofindthatamultiplicityofethniccommunitiesmakesocietysafer,sinceindividualswillbeautomaticallymorecautious,attheoppositeofthegrievancemodelpredictions.[43]Finally,theauthorsalsonotethatthegrievancesexpressedbymembersofthediasporaofacommunityinturmoilhasanimportantonthecontinuationofviolence.[44]Bothgreedandgrievancethusneedtobeincludedinthereflection. TheMoralEconomyofthePeasant[edit] Mainarticle:TheMoralEconomyofthePeasant SpearheadedbypoliticalscientistandanthropologistJamesC.ScottinhisbookTheMoralEconomyofthePeasant,themoraleconomyschoolconsidersmoralvariablessuchassocialnorms,moralvalues,interpretationofjustice,andconceptionofdutytothecommunityastheprimeinfluencersofthedecisiontorebel.ThisperspectivestilladherestoOlson'sframework,butitconsidersdifferentvariablestoenterthecost/benefitanalysis:theindividualisstillbelievedtoberational,albeitnotonmaterialbutmoralgrounds.[45] Earlyconceptualization:E.P.ThompsonandbreadriotsinEngland[edit] BritishhistorianE.P.Thompsonisoftencitedasbeingthefirsttousetheterm"moraleconomy",hesaidinhis1991publicationthatthetermhadbeeninusesincethe18thcentury.[46][47]Inhis1971Past&Presentjournalarticle,MoralEconomyoftheEnglishCrowdintheEighteenthCentury,hediscussedEnglishbreadriots,andotherlocalizedformofrebellionbyEnglishpeasantsthroughoutthe18thcentury.Hesaidthattheseeventshavebeenroutinelydismissedas"riotous",withtheconnotationofbeingdisorganized,spontaneous,undirected,andundisciplined.Hewrotethat,onthecontrary,suchriotsinvolvedacoordinatedpeasantaction,fromthepillagingoffoodconvoystotheseizureofgrainshops.AscholarsuchasPopkinhasarguedthatpeasantsweretryingtogainmaterialbenefits,suchasmorefood.Thompsonseesalegitimizationfactor,meaning"abeliefthat[thepeasants]weredefendingtraditionalrightsandcustoms".Thompsongoesontowrite:"[theriotswere]legitimizedbytheassumptionsofanoldermoraleconomy,whichtaughttheimmoralityofanyunfairmethodofforcingupthepriceofprovisionsbyprofiteeringuponthenecessitiesofthepeople".In1991,twentyyearsafterhisoriginalpublication,Thompsonsaidthathis,"objectofanalysiswasthementalité,or,as[he]wouldprefer,thepoliticalculture,theexpectations,traditions,andindeed,superstitionsoftheworkingpopulationmostfrequentlyinvolvedinactionsinthemarket".[46]Theoppositionbetweenatraditional,paternalist,andthecommunitariansetofvaluesclashingwiththeinverseliberal,capitalist,andmarket-derivedethicsiscentraltoexplainrebellion. JamesC.Scottandtheformalizationofthemoraleconomyargument[edit] Inhis1976bookTheMoralEconomyofthePeasant:RebellionandSubsistenceinSoutheastAsia,JamesC.ScottlooksattheimpactofexogenouseconomicandpoliticalshocksonpeasantcommunitiesinSoutheastAsia.Scottfindsthatpeasantsaremostlyinthebusinessofsurvivingandproducingenoughtosubsist.[48]Therefore,anyextractiveregimeneedstorespectthiscarefulequilibrium.Helabelsthisphenomenonthe"subsistenceethic".[49]Alandowneroperatinginsuchcommunitiesisseentohavethemoraldutytoprioritizethepeasant'ssubsistenceoverhisconstantbenefit.AccordingtoScott,thepowerfulcolonialstateaccompaniedbymarketcapitalismdidnotrespectthisfundamentalhiddenlawinpeasantsocieties.Rebelliousmovementsoccurredasthereactiontoanemotionalgrief,amoraloutrage.[50] Othernon-materialincentives[edit] BlattmanandRalstonrecognizetheimportanceofimmaterialselectiveincentives,suchasanger,outrage,andinjustice("grievance")intherootsofrebellions.Thesevariables,theyargue,arefarfrombeingirrational,astheyaresometimespresented.Theyidentifythreemaintypesofgrievancearguments: Intrinsicincentivesholdsthat"injusticeorperceivedtransgressiongeneratesanintrinsicwillingnesstopunishorseekretribution".[51]Morethanmaterialrewards,individualsarenaturallyandautomaticallypromptedtofightforjusticeiftheyfeeltheyhavebeenwronged.Theultimatumgameisanexcellentillustration:playeronereceives$10andmustsplititwithanotherplayerwhodoesn'tgetthechancetodeterminehowmuchhereceives,butonlyifthedealismadeornot(ifherefuses,everyonelosestheirmoney).Rationally,player2shouldtakewhateverthedealisbecauseitisbetterinabsoluteterm($1moreremains$1more).However,player2ismostlikelyunwillingtoacceptlessthan2or2dollars,meaningthattheyarewillingtopaya-$2forjusticetoberespected.Thisgame,accordingtoBlattmanandRalston,represents"theexpressivepleasurepeoplegainfrompunishinganinjustice".[51] Lossaversionholdsthat"peopletendtoevaluatetheirsatisfactionrelativetoareferencepoint,andthattheyare'lossadverse".[52]Individualsprefernotlosingovertheriskystrategyofmakinggains.Thereisasubstantialsubjectiveparttothis,however,assomemayrealizealoneanddecidethattheyarecomparativelylesswelloffthananeighbor,forexample.To"fix"thisgap,individualswillinturnbereadytotakegreatriskssoastonotenshrinealoss.[52] Frustration-aggression:thismodelholdsthattheimmediateemotionalreactionstohighlystressfulenvironmentsdonotobeytoany"directutilitybenefitbutratheramoreimpulsiveandemotionalresponsetoathreat".[52]Therearelimitstothistheory:violentactionistoalargeextentaproductofgoalsbyanindividualwhichareinturndeterminedbyasetofpreferences.[53]Yet,thisapproachshowsthatcontextualelementslikeeconomicprecarityhaveanon-negligibleimpactontheconditionsofthedecisionstorebelatminimum. Recruitment[edit] StathisN.Kalyvas,apoliticalscienceprofessoratYaleUniversity,arguesthatpoliticalviolenceisheavilyinfluencedbyhyperlocalsocio-economicfactors,fromthemundanetraditionalfamilyrivalriestorepressedgrudges.[54]Rebellion,oranysortofpoliticalviolence,arenotbinaryconflictsbutmustbeunderstoodasinteractionsbetweenpublicandprivateidentitiesandactions.The"convergenceoflocalmotivesandsupralocalimperatives"makestudyingandtheorizingrebellionaverycomplexaffair,attheintersectionbetweenthepoliticalandtheprivate,thecollectiveandtheindividual.[55] Kalyvasarguesthatweoftentrytogrouppoliticalconflictsaccordingtotwostructuralparadigms: Theideathatpoliticalviolence,andmorespecificallyrebellion,ischaracterizedbyacompletebreakdownofauthorityandananarchicstate.ThisisinspiredbyThomasHobbes'views.Theapproachseesrebellionasbeingmotivatedbygreedandloot,usingviolencetobreakdownthepowerstructuresofsociety.[54] Theideathatallpoliticalviolenceisinherentlymotivatedbyanabstractgroupofloyaltiesandbeliefs,"wherebythepoliticalenemybecomesaprivateadversaryonlybyvirtueofpriorcollectiveandimpersonalenmity".[54]Violenceisthusnota"mantoman"affairasmuchasa"statetostate"struggle,ifnotan"ideavsidea"conflict.[54] Kalyvas'keyinsightisthatthecentralvsperipherydynamicisfundamentalinpoliticalconflicts.Anyindividualactor,Kalyvasposits,entersintoacalculatedalliancewiththecollective.[56]Rebellionsthuscannotbeanalyzedinmolarcategories,norshouldweassumethatindividualsareautomaticallyinlinewiththerestoftheactorssimplybyvirtueofideological,religious,ethnic,orclasscleavage.Theagencyislocatedbothwithinthecollectiveandintheindividual,intheuniversalandthelocal.[56]Kalyvaswrites:"Allianceentailsatransactionbetweensupralocalandlocalactors,wherebytheformersupplythelaterwithexternalmuscle,thusallowingthemtowindecisivelocaladvantage,inexchangetheformerrelyonlocalconflictstorecruitandmotivatesupportersandobtainlocalcontrol,resources,andinformation-evenwhentheirideologicalagendaisopposedtolocalism".[56]Individualswillthusaimtousetherebellioninordertogainsomesortoflocaladvantage,whilethecollectiveactorswillaimtogainpower.Violenceisameanasopposedtoagoal,accordingtoKalyvas. Thegreatertakeawayfromthiscentral/localanalyticallensisthatviolenceisnotananarchictacticoramanipulationbyanideology,butaconversationbetweenthetwo.Rebellionsare"concatenationsofmultipleandoftendisparatelocalcleavages,moreorlesslooselyarrangedaroundthemastercleavage".[56]Anypre-conceivedexplanationortheoryofaconflictmustnotbeplacatedonasituation,lestonewillconstructarealitythatadaptsitselftohispre-conceivedidea.Kalyvasthusarguesthatpoliticalconflictisnotalwayspoliticalinthesensethattheycannotbereducedtoacertaindiscourse,decisions,orideologiesfromthe"center"ofcollectiveaction.Instead,thefocusmustbeon"localcleavagesandintracommunitydynamics".[57]Furthermore,rebellionisnot"ameremechanismthatopensupthefloodgatestorandomandanarchicalprivateviolence".[57]Rather,itistheresultofacarefulandprecariousalliancebetweenlocalmotivationsandcollectivevectorstohelptheindividualcause. Seealso[edit] Listofrevolutionsandrebellions Footnotes[edit] ^InsupportingLincolnonthisissue,theSupremeCourtupheldhistheoryoftheCivilWarasaninsurrectionagainsttheUnitedStatesgovernmentthatcouldbesuppressedaccordingtotherulesofwar.Inthisway,theUnitedStateswasabletofightthewarasifitwereaninternationalwar,withoutactuallyhavingtorecognizethedejureexistenceoftheConfederategovernment.[4] References[edit] ^Lalor,JohnJoseph(1884).CyclopediaofPoliticalScience,PoliticalEconomy,andofthePolitical...Rand,McNally.p. 632. ^"Insurrection".OxfordEnglishDictionary(2nd ed.).OxfordUniversityPress.1989.Insurrection:Theactionofrisinginarmsoropenresistanceagainstestablishedauthorityorgovernmentalrestraint;withpl.,aninstanceofthis,anarmedrising,arevolt;anincipientorlimitedrebellion. ^"Insurgent".OxfordEnglishDictionary(2nd ed.).OxfordUniversityPress.1989.Insurgent:Onewhorisesinrevoltagainstconstitutedauthority;arebelwhoisnotrecognizedasabelligerent. ^Hall,KermitL.(2001).TheOxfordGuidetoUnitedStatesSupremeCourtDecisions.U.S.:OxfordUniversityPress.pp. 246–247.ISBN 0-19-513924-0,ISBN 978-0-19-513924-2. ^Roberts,Adam;Ash,TimothyGarton,eds.(2009).CivilResistanceandPowerPolitics:Theexperienceofnon-violentactionfromGandhitothepresent.OxfordUniversityPress.ISBN 9780199552016. ^Fortna,VirginiaPage(May20,2015)."Doterroristswin?Rebels'useofterrorismandCivilWaroutcomes".InternationalOrganization.69(3):519–556.doi:10.1017/S0020818315000089.hdl:1811/52898.S2CID 7656046. ^Skocpol1979,p. 291. ^Skocpol1979,p. 7. ^Skocpol1979,p. 8. ^Gurr1970,p. 3. ^Gurr1970,p. 37. ^Gurr1970,p. 47. ^Gurr1970,p. 52. ^Gurr1970,p. 53. ^Gurr1970,p. 24. ^Gurr1970,p. 11. ^Tilly1978,p. 54. ^Tilly1978,p. ch3. ^Tilly1978,p. ch7. ^abTilly1978,p. 213. ^Johnson1966,p. 3. ^Johnson1966,p. 36. ^Johnson1966,p. 57. ^Johnson1966,p. 32. ^Skocpol1979,p. 4. ^Skocpol1979,p. 49. ^abSkocpol1979,p. 50. ^Skocpol1979,p. 51. ^Skocpol1979,p. 112. ^Skocpol1979,p. 162. ^Skocpol1979,p. 155. ^Olson1965,p. 9. ^Olson1965,p. 76. ^Popkin1979,p. 22.sfnerror:notarget:CITEREFPopkin1979(help) ^Popkin1979,p. 23.sfnerror:notarget:CITEREFPopkin1979(help) ^Popkin1979,p. 34.sfnerror:notarget:CITEREFPopkin1979(help) ^BlattmanandRason2015,p. 22.sfnerror:notarget:CITEREFBlattman_and_Rason2015(help) ^abcBlattmanandRason2015,p. 23.sfnerror:notarget:CITEREFBlattman_and_Rason2015(help) ^BermanandLaitin2008,p. 1965.sfnerror:notarget:CITEREFBerman_and_Laitin2008(help) ^BermanandLaitin2008,p. 1944.sfnerror:notarget:CITEREFBerman_and_Laitin2008(help) ^BermanandLaitin2008,p. 1943.sfnerror:notarget:CITEREFBerman_and_Laitin2008(help) ^BermanandLaitin2008,p. 1954.sfnerror:notarget:CITEREFBerman_and_Laitin2008(help) ^abcCollierandHoeffler2002,p. 26.sfnerror:notarget:CITEREFCollier_and_Hoeffler2002(help) ^CollierandHoeffler2002,p. 27.sfnerror:notarget:CITEREFCollier_and_Hoeffler2002(help) ^Scott1976,p. 6. ^abThompson,E.P.(1991).CustomsinCommon:StudiesinTraditionalPopularCulture.TheNewPress.ISBN 9781565840744. ^Thompson,E.P.(1971-01-01)."TheMoralEconomyoftheEnglishCrowdintheEighteenthCentury".Past&Present.50(50):76–136.doi:10.1093/past/50.1.76.JSTOR 650244. ^Scott1976,p. 15. ^Scott1976,p. 13. ^Scott1976,p. 193. ^abBlattmanandRason2015,p. 24.sfnerror:notarget:CITEREFBlattman_and_Rason2015(help) ^abcBlattmanandRason2015,p. 25.sfnerror:notarget:CITEREFBlattman_and_Rason2015(help) ^BlattmanandRason2015,p. 26.sfnerror:notarget:CITEREFBlattman_and_Rason2015(help) ^abcdKalyvas2003,p. 476. ^Kalyvas2003,p. 475. ^abcdKalyvas2003,p. 486. ^abKalyvas2003,p. 487. Sources[edit] Berman,Eli;Laitin,David(2008)."Religion,terrorismandpublicgoods:Testingtheclubmodel"(PDF).JournalofPublicEconomics.92(10–11):1942–1967.CiteSeerX 10.1.1.178.8147.doi:10.1016/j.jpubeco.2008.03.007. Blattman,Christopher;Ralston,Laura(2015)."GeneratingemploymentinPoorandFragileStates:Evidencefromlabormarketandentrepreneurshipprograms".WorldBankDevelopmentImpactEvaluation(DIME). Collier,Paul;Hoeffler,Anke(2002).GreedandGrievanceinCivilWar(PDF).TheWorldBankPolicyResearchWorkingPaper.Vol. 2355. Gurr,TedRobert(1970).WhyMenRebel.Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress.ISBN 978-0691075280. Johnson,Chalmers(1966).RevolutionaryChange.Boston:LittleBrown. Kalyvas,StathisN.(2003-01-01)."TheOntologyof'PoliticalViolence':ActionandIdentityinCivilWars".PerspectivesonPolitics.1(3):475–494.doi:10.1017/s1537592703000355.JSTOR 3688707.S2CID 15205813. Marx,Karl(1967).CapitalVol.3:TheProcessofCapitalistProductionasaWhole.NewYork:InternationalPublishers. Olson,Mancur(1965).TheLogicofCollectiveAction:PublicGroupsandTheoriesofGroups.HarvardUniversityPress. Popkin,SamuelL.(1976).TheRationalPeasant:thePoliticalEconomyofRuralSocietyinVietnam. Scott,JamesC.(November16,1976).TheMoralEconomyofthePeasant:RebellionandSubsistenceinSoutheastAsia. Skocpol,Theda(1979).StatesandSocialRevolutions:AComparativeAnalysisofFrance,Russia,andChina.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress. Tilly,Charles(1978).FromMobilizationtoRevolution.Addison-Wesley.ISBN 978-0201075717. Externallinks[edit] QuotationsrelatedtoRebellionatWikiquote vteConformityEnforcementProscription Damnatiomemoriae Dissident Exile Homosacer Nonperson Ostracism Blacklisting Cancelculture Censorship Deplatforming Outcast Outlaw Civildeath Vogelfrei Personanongrata Publicenemy Enemyofthepeople Enemyofthestate Scapegoating Shunning Governmentalpressure Authoritarianism Nationalism Left-wingnationalism Right-wingpopulism Totalitarianism Tyrannyofthemajority Grouppressure Bandwagoneffect Brainwashing Collectivism Consensusreality Dogma Emotionalcontagion Behavioral Crime Hysterical Suicide Fearofmissingout Groupthink Hazing Herdmentality Indoctrination Inventedtradition Memoryconformity Milieucontrol Mobbing Normalization Normativesocialinfluence Patriotism Peerpressure Pluralisticignorance Propaganda Rally'roundtheflageffect Socialinfluence Socialization Spiralofsilence Teasing Untouchability Individualpressure Authoritarianpersonality Authoritarianleadershipstyle Right-wingauthoritarianpersonality Controlfreak Obsessive–compulsivepersonalitydisorder Conformity Compliance Communalreinforcement Countersignaling Herdbehavior Internalization Obedience Socialproof Experiments Aschconformityexperiments Breachingexperiment Milgramexperiment Stanfordprisonexperiment Anticonformity Alternativemedia Anti-authoritarianism Anti-socialbehaviour Auto-segregation Civildisobedience Cosmopolitanism Counterculture Culturejamming Deviance Devil'sadvocate Dissent Eccentricity Eclecticism Hermit Idiosyncrasy Individualism Puebloclown Rebellion Redteam Satire Shockvalue Authoritycontrol:Nationallibraries Germany Retrievedfrom"https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Rebellion&oldid=1095495134" Categories:RebellionCausesofwarPeaceandconflictstudiesPoliticalsciencetheoriesRebellionsHiddencategories:HarvandSfnno-targeterrorsArticleswithshortdescriptionShortdescriptionisdifferentfromWikidataAllarticleswithunsourcedstatementsArticleswithunsourcedstatementsfromJanuary2021ArticleswithunsourcedstatementsfromApril2016ArticleswithGNDidentifiers Navigationmenu Personaltools NotloggedinTalkContributionsCreateaccountLogin Namespaces ArticleTalk English Views ReadEditViewhistory More Search Navigation MainpageContentsCurrenteventsRandomarticleAboutWikipediaContactusDonate Contribute HelpLearntoeditCommunityportalRecentchangesUploadfile Tools WhatlinkshereRelatedchangesUploadfileSpecialpagesPermanentlinkPageinformationCitethispageWikidataitem Print/export DownloadasPDFPrintableversion Inotherprojects WikimediaCommonsWikiquote Languages AfrikaansالعربيةAragonésAsturianuAymararuAzərbaycancaتۆرکجهБеларускаяБългарскиCatalàЧӑвашлаČeštinaChiShonaCymraegDanskDeutschEestiEspañolEsperantoEuskaraفارسیFrançaisFryskGalego한국어हिन्दीHrvatskiBahasaIndonesiaÍslenskaItalianoಕನ್ನಡҚазақшаMagyarМонголNederlands日本語NorskbokmålNorsknynorskPolskiPortuguêsРусскийShqipSimpleEnglishSlovenčinaСрпски/srpskiSrpskohrvatski/српскохрватскиSuomiSvenskaதமிழ்Татарча/tatarçaไทยTürkçeУкраїнськаاردوTiếngViệt吴语粵語中文 Editlinks